The
book written in the Hindustani language illustrates in detail how the
small number of upper caste Muslims who constitute only 15 per cent of
the total Muslim population in India have been enjoying control over
the religious, political and social institutions of the country for
centuries.
The
author has identified the dalit castes in his community and has
described their pitiable condition on the basis of his field survey and
spending time with time. The Muslim dalits include Jolaha, Nutt,
Bakkho, Bhatiyara, Kunjra, Dhunia, Kalal, Dafali, Halakhor, Dhobi,
Lalbegi, Gorkan, Meershikar, Cheek, Rangrez and Darji.
The
book emphasizes how these castes have been socially and economically
"abused" by the upper caste Muslims for centuries. "Not to speak of
others, even the great social reformer like Sayed Ahmad Khan abused
Jolahas describing them as badjat (bad caste)", the book says.
The
jolahas are hard working people who earn their livelihood by weaving
cloths. "But it is an irony that the people who are relatively more
hard working are frowned upon in the Muslim society. The way Ahirs are
ridiculed in the Hindu society, the Jolahas are abused and described as
fools in the Muslim society."
The
book quotes numerous popular idioms which the "high born" Muslims use
to despise the dalits in their community. Among them is "Khet khaye
gadaha, maar khaye jolaha (Jolaha should be beaten up if the donkey
grazes the harvest)." Another is: "Dom ghar khaibo, dhob ghar khaibo na
(Eat at Dom's house but never eat at a Dhobi's house). Dhob is a washer
man community.
The
book says that the condition of dalit Muslims is "worse than dalit
Hindus". "It's a big farce that there is no untouchability in Muslim
society. The disease of untouchability is very much prevalent in Muslim
society. In fact, neither the Muslims' ruling elite nor the religious
leaders have so far made any meaningful efforts to remove the disease
of inequality that has made the dalit Muslims to suffer for centuries."
The author says that the Muslim political and religious leaders have
rather tried to conceal the casteism, untouchability and inequality in
the community to serve their vested interests.
Interestingly,
the book disputes the general opinion of historians and social
scientists that the Muslim society adopted the vices of social
inequality and casteism from the Hindu society. "The general belief
that Muslim society has absorbed the caste based disparities from the
Hindu society is not wholly true."
The
book says that the disease of social inequality was prevalent even in
the Arab society during the pre-Islam and post-Islam days. To drive his
point home the author asks: "If there was no inequality in
Arab(ia)-where Islam was born-how does the Arabic literatures contain
the words, ashraf, azlaf and arzal? These three Arabic words are
derived from their Arabic roots, sharf, zalf and razl which mean
gentle, lowly and pariah respectively."
The
book does not wholly deny the theory that the Hindus who were converted
to Islam carried the vestiges of their caste-based culture with them in
the Muslim society. "Who denies the impact of Hinduism over Islam or
vice versa…..Synthesis and compromises happen when the two cultures and
civilizations meet and decide to co-exist." But if the Muslim society,
the book argues, imposes the onus of the vice inequality and casteism
wholly on Hindu society it is absolutely wrong. "It's a design to hide
one's own vice."
The
author strongly advocates reservation in jobs for the dalit Muslims on
the pattern of the one provided to the Hindu dalits who include
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. He describes the failure of the
Muslim leaders to ask for reservation in Government jobs for the dalits
in their community at the time of the formation of the constitution as
a "design" to conceal the social inequality. More than 50 years down
the line, the "unholy design to conceal the weakness of the society and
maintain the hegemony of a selected class of the community over the
rest has festered into deep wounds causing untold sufferings
to the dalit Muslims".
The
benefit of reservation in the jobs has enabled a fair number of SCs and
STs become IAS and IPS officers and get services at various levels in
the central and state governments. "But one can not find a single
Jolaha, Dafali, Bhatiyara, Cheek or any dalit Muslim getting the job of
even a clerk in the Government's office or teacher in the schools", the
book claims.
The
book says that the dalit and backward Muslims who constitute more than
75 per cent of the total Muslim population in the country are now
awakened to the "reality" that the Muslim political and religious
leadership "dominated by the upper castes" will not raise their (dalit
Muslim's) cause. But in a bid to guard their "vested interests, the
likes of Sayed Shahabuddin and several ulemmas are now clamouring for
the reservation for all the poor Muslims in the Government job". "It's
yet another design to perpetuate the hegemony of Sheikhs, Pathans and
Malliks-the high caste Muslims-who have been ruling
the mosques, Muslims' religious and charity related bodies and the
politics."
The
book also holds the Muslm ulemmas responsible for the plight of the
dalit Muslims. "Why these ulemmas don't wage a crusade against the
casteism and inequality which are against the basic tenets of Islam",
the author asks, adding: " these ulemmas mainly belonging to upper
castes dominate the rich religious and charity related bodies." "And
they are as much attracted towards power and pelf as the Vishwa Hindu
Parishad sponsored sadhus are."
Religious
and charitable organisations of the Muslims, according to the book,
used to be supported by the subscriptions from the people in the past.
"But now these organisatinos are run on petro-dollars and the ulemmas
exercising control over them have their eyes on money coming from the
Arab and other Muslim countries." "So", according to the book, "these
ulemmas are more interested in maintaining their credibility with the
Arab countries rather than dealing with the day to day life, struggle
and problems of the Muslim masses at large in their own country."
The
book warns: "The foreign money can add colours and decorations in our
mosques but it has all the potential to deviate our neo-rich ulemmas
from the path of truth and religiosity." "Besides, the foreign money
can add to several other vices."
To
prove that how the religious and charitable organisations of the
Muslims ignore the cause of their poor and socially backward brethren,
the book cites the example of the headquarters of the Imarat-e-Shariah
(Bihar and Orissa) located in the Phulwari Sharief area of Patna. Close
to the Imarat-e-Shariah office there is a huge settlement of halalkhors
(Muslim dalits). "Cholera broke out in the halakhors locality a few
years ago killing six poor people. Not to speak of providing any
material assistance, the Imarat-e-Shariah's office bearers did not even
prefer to meet the affected families and inquire about their
welfare", the book says.
The
book intersperse with numerous popular anecdotes, idioms and tales,
dwells at length on the travails and exploitation of the dalit Muslims
and how they are treated as "pariah" by the upper caste Muslims and
ulemmas calling the shots.
To
prove that how the vested interests have caused immense harm to the
Muslim society, which has now deviated from the path of masawat
(equality), the author once again quotes Alamma Iqbal:
"Waize-qaum ki woh pukhta-khayali na rahi
Bark tabai na rahi, shola-maqali na rahi
Rah gai rashme-azan, ruhe-Belali na rahi
Falsafa
rah gaya, talqeene gazali na rahi. (There is no substance in what the
mentors preach. No lightning flashes enlighten their minds. There's no
fire in their speech. Only the ritual the call to prayer; the spirit of
Bilal has fled. There is only a philosophy left. Ghazali's discourse is
no longer present)."
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