The allotment of land for the Amarnath shrine board was a trigger for the azadi sentiment in Kashmir, Sayed Ali Shah Geelani, who has emerged a crowd-puller among the separatist leaders, tells AASHA KHOSA
We all know the history of Kashmiri separatism but what was the immediate provocation for the ongoing massive protests?
The upsurge has not happened suddenly. The sentiment for “azadi” was
always there. However, the transfer of 50 acres of forest land to the
Amarnath shrine board made Kashmiris realise once again how insecure
they feel. This acted as a trigger. Suddenly, people have started
thinking about the 100,000 acres of land that is with the Army. Under
the guise of “Operation Sadhbhavana,” the Army has usurped huge parcels
of land and seems to be expanding its network. I have information that
the Army has seized 23 acres of land for opening a school in Pahalgam.
The schools being opened by the Army are for Kashmiri children. Why object to this?
I know the schools are meant for Kashmiris. But they are also meant to
make them sing Vande Mataram and not offer namaz. The aim of these
schools is to turn Kashmiri children into pure Indians. This is
cultural aggression on our Islamic values and is not acceptable to us.
In fact, apart from fighting for the right to self-determination for 62
years, we have also been fighting against the cultural aggression by
India.
So the transfer of land is not the real issue as many have been saying.
Yes, they are right. Land is not an issue for us. It has just acted as a catalyst to shape peoples’ sentiments into an upsurge.
There are differences even among the separatists — some
raise the slogan of azadi while people like you want Kashmir to go with
Pakistan. How do you resolve this dilemma among yourself, beyond your
occasional shows of unity?
Our unity is based on a single point — implementation of the United
Nations resolutions on Kashmir (which ask India and Pakistan to hold a
plebiscite in undivided Jammu & Kashmir to find out if the people
of the state want to be with India or Pakistan). However, I do agree
that there are differences among us. While I am for Kashmir going to
Pakistan, there are voices that seek independence from both India and
Pakistan. I also agree that there are people in Kashmir who would like
to go with India. They argue that India has done so much for Kashmir.
Others are fascinated by its secularism and democracy. But then we must
not forget that there were discordant notes even when Indians fought
the British.
Your party, the Tehreek-e-Hurriyat, has expanded its network. What precisely do you stand for?
Ever since my release from prison on August 7, 2004, I have been
spreading my message across Kashmir. I have a three-point target. First
is to impose an Islamic nizam (jurisprudence) in Kashmir. Islam should
govern our lives, be it in our political thought, socio-economic plans,
culture or the ongoing movement. The creed of socialism and secularism
should not touch our lives and we must be totally governed by the Koran
and the Sunnat (precedents from Prophet Mohammad’s life). Secondly, I
have been propagating that we must fight against anti-Islamic forces.
These forces come in our way under the garb of nationalists,
secularists, racists, linguistic chauvinists, and so on. Thirdly, I
have been telling the youth to work for the right to self-determination
which is granted to them by the United Nations. I have been drawing
huge support from the youth for this as a result of which you see lakhs
of people on the roads today.
In essence, Osama bin Laden’s crusade to establish Islamic rule across the globe seems no different from yours.
Osama has come only during the last few years. People like me have been
fighting for this all our lives. I do not want to be compared with
Osama.
Your differences with the All Parties Hurriyat Conference
came to the fore recently when you tried to project yourself as the
sole leader of the (separatist) movement. What made you issue a public
apology later?
During the last four years, I have been holding public rallies all over
Kashmir. I have a routine — first I explain my three-point programme to
the audience, then I ask them if they agree to the idea of the movement
having a single leader, and finally, people raise slogans favouring me
as their sole leader. This is what happened at the public rally with
the Hurriyat leaders. Some of the Hurriyat leaders did not like my
being endorsed as a leader by the crowd and walked out. It was my moral
duty to apologise to them and I did.
Are you talking about Kashmir alone or the entire state,
which includes Hindus and Buddhists, both of whom would not like to
live in an Islamic dispensation of your dreams?
I want the right to self-determination for the entire territory of
Jammu & Kashmir, including the areas under Pakistan. Let people
decide once and for all which country they want to be with. The
question of imposing an Islamic rule is different. Why do people object
to it? If America and India can have democratic rule, others can have
communism, why object to the Islamic rule?
How bothered are you about the agitation in Jammu, where
leaders are angry precisely about this point: Kashmiri leaders’ hidden
agenda behind the Amarnath land controversy?
Jammu’s people are working on communal lines. But it is a fact that the transfer of land is not the core issue for us.
But India and Pakistan are working on solutions other than
giving Kashmir the right to self-determination. What are your
objections?
Pakistan has extended all support to us so far. The India-Pakistan
dialogue is nothing new. In fact, the two have held 130 rounds of peace
talks since 1952. What have they achieved so far? India is just biding
its time in Kashmir by prolonging the dialogue with Pakistan. It won’t
achieve anything.
If the recent protests led by you and the Hurriyat leaders
are true indicators of your popular support, why not contest elections
and prove it?
Elections were never on our agenda and our stand has not changed on this. We believe in boycotting of the elections.
Funniest quote of the interview "Jammu’s people are working on communal lines. But it is a fact that the transfer of land is not the core issue for us. "
I don't want to blame Gilani for it. It is our pseudo-seculars who have made communalism synonymous with Hindu rights. in effect if you ask for rights for Hindus you are Communal nut if you ask for Muslim rights you are secular.
Funniest quote of the
Funniest quote of the interview "Jammu’s people are working on communal lines. But it is a fact that the transfer of land is not the core issue for us. "
I don't want to blame Gilani for it. It is our pseudo-seculars who have made communalism synonymous with Hindu rights. in effect if you ask for rights for Hindus you are Communal nut if you ask for Muslim rights you are secular.
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